\nKanagawa Prefectural Yokohama Senior High School of International Studies
\n<ryosuke.aoyama.11
![\"atmark\"](\"http:\/\/www.tesl-ej.org\/atmark.png\")
gmail.com><\/p>\n\nAbstract<\/h3>\n
In EFL contexts where students\u2019 chances to use English are limited to the classroom, minimizing their use of L1 to develop fluency in English is often encouraged in instruction. However, recent studies have reported that students\u2019 partial use of L1 in code-switching or translanguaging offers various pedagogical advantages. This research examines advanced Japanese high school students\u2019 use of and perceptions toward L1 (Japanese) in translanguaging during communicative L2 (English) activities. Drawing on both quantitative data from a survey answered by 190 third-year high school students and qualitative data from classroom observations and in-depth interviews with nine students from the same group, the study attempted to reveal context-sensitive findings about students\u2019 use of L1 in translanguaging in the EFL classroom. The quantitative survey results revealed that all the students, to varying degrees, partially used L1 during communicative L2 activities. Data from classroom observations supported the survey results and identified five salient speech functions of students\u2019 partial L1 use in the activities. In addition, the interview data showed students\u2019 nuanced reasons for and perceptions toward their partial L1 use during such activities, highlighting a unique communication layer for translanguaging. Based on the discussion of the findings, recommendations for pursuing contextualized communicative language teaching and translanguaging pedagogy in EFL classrooms are provided at the end of the paper.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n
In secondary English education in Japan, as the status of English as an international language has been established nationwide (MEXT, 2011, 2014), there have been intensified demands for developing students\u2019 communicative competence in English as opposed to focusing on language analysis through traditional grammar translation. The Japanese Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) stipulated that, to better provide opportunities for students to use their English skills in the high school English classroom, teachers should use English as the medium of instruction (MEXT, 2009). MEXT furthers this trend of promoting in-class communicative English activities and developing communicative competence in the target language. The Course of Study, the national curriculum standard, mentions that English should be the medium of instruction in principle to promote students\u2019 rich use of English, and classroom activities in English should be the center of instruction (MEXT, 2018). The rationale behind MEXT\u2019s communicative orientation toward English language teaching, as it reflects the particularity of English as a foreign language (EFL) settings where students\u2019 opportunities to use English are restricted to the classroom, is arguably convincing: More exposure to the target language by \u201ctransforming classes into real communication scenes\u201d (MEXT, 2009, p. 7) produces more successful learners of that language. During such in-class communication scenes in regular high schools, however, students\u2019 code-switching to their L1 or translanguaging tends to be spontaneous to communicate with their peers and complete the communicative tasks. Although it is evident that the students\u2019 overuse of L1 in the classroom hinders their L2 development, the literature confirms that exclusion of the learners\u2019 L1 in L2 classrooms is not always advisable (Spada, 2007). Also, in recent years, especially in the field of bi\/multilingual education, there has been growing research interest in code-switching and translanguaging (e.g., Canagarajah, 2011a; Garc\u00eda et al., 2017; Hornberger & Link, 2012; Neokleous, 2017; Turnbull, 2018), and the use of L1 in L2 classrooms has been reevaluated. However, close analyses of students\u2019 code-switching and translanguaging in EFL secondary contexts in Japan, where students and teachers are experiencing continuous reforms under the implementation of the above-mentioned English language education policy, are not abundant in the literature. Therefore, more context-sensitive research is needed to critically discuss the use of L1, which is a controversial topic for Japanese high school teachers of English (Aoyama, 2017). This study examines Japanese high school students\u2019 actual use of and perceptions toward L1 in translanguaging during communicative activities in the English classroom with the aim of filling this gap in the literature.<\/p>\n
Literature Review<\/h3>\n
Secondary English Education in Japan, Communicative Language Teaching, and the Use of L1<\/h4>\n
Approximately every 10 years, MEXT issues the Course of Study as a set of teaching standards to stipulate goals, objectives, and teaching content for subjects taught in elementary, lower secondary, and upper secondary schools in Japan. As for upper secondary English education, since the previous Course of Study was issued in 2009, an emphasis has been put on fostering students\u2019 English communication abilities, and the orientation toward communicative language teaching (CLT) has been reflected in the Course of Study (MEXT, 2009, 2018). MEXT (2018) reports that, in upper secondary contexts, there has still been a lack of satisfactory implementation of communicative English classroom activities that foster students\u2019 communication abilities in English, such as impromptu spoken interaction skills. Accordingly, the goals of English education were recently revised employing competency-based views in reference to the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages, and MEXT is furthering its English educational reform throughout the country.<\/p>\n
This communication-oriented English education policy observed in the past and present Course of Study in Japan exemplifies the nature of CLT: CLT is context-sensitive. Duff (2014) notes that CLT is not a uniform, but rather a multiform method, as it reflects diverse teaching contexts. Thus, to discuss CLT that is optimized for EFL secondary contexts in Japan, it is critically important to remove commonly held misconceptions about CLT that result from the simplistic interpretations that ignore particularity in teaching sites. According to Spada (2007), pervasive misconceptions of CLT that were frequently discussed in the literature include (a) CLT is an approach that exclusively focuses on meaning without any attention to language form, (b) CLT is an approach that avoids error correction, (c) CLT is an exclusively learner-centered approach, (d) CLT is an approach that focuses on aural-oral proficiency, and (e) CLT is a monolingual approach in the target language that avoids the learners\u2019 L1. Related to the last misconception, Aoyama (2017) found the use of L1 under the implementation of the Course of Study is a controversial topic that reflected the various teaching beliefs of Japanese high school teachers. In his case study, even though all the teacher participants had a positive attitude toward MEXT\u2019s policy and favored communicative approaches, some teachers saw the value in using L1 selectively to scaffold students\u2019 learning such as understanding nuanced concepts of grammar and vocabulary and exercising higher order thinking skills, while others strongly argued that the use of L1 has an adverse effect on students\u2019 L2 learning, and thus it should be eliminated from the classroom. These varying attitudes toward the use of L1 are easily assumed to be due to the nature of Japanese EFL contexts, where students share L1 with their peers and teachers and the opportunity to use and practice the target language in their daily life is scarce and limited to the classroom. In such contexts, Ellis (2005) argues that maximizing L2 use in the classroom is crucial and providing opportunities for output in L2 is central to classroom activities.<\/p>\n
Code-switching and Translanguaging<\/h4>\n
Code-switching, the act of shuttling back and forth between one language or language variety and another, has been a frequent topic for L2 classroom research in diverse teaching contexts (e.g., Nukuto, 2017; Rahayu & Margana, 2018; Samer & Moradkhani, 2014; Sampson, 2012). In traditional models of bilingualism, bilingual speakers were seen to have two separate language systems based on \u201cthe monolingual or fractional view\u201d (Grosjean, 1989, p. 3), which leads to defining bilinguals as deficient L2 users. Accordingly, code-switching was considered as an interference error, not as a linguistic resource for communication. Grosjean (1989) argued that the monolingual view of bilingualism regards the bilingual as \u201ctwo monolinguals in one person\u201d (p. 4), which is never the case. Instead, he stressed the importance of viewing a bilingual person as a unique and specific language user, not a person with two separate language systems but \u201can integrated whole\u201d (p. 6), and it is questionable to measure their linguistic proficiency against monolingual standards. This inclusive view of bilingualism enables code-switching to be seen as a communication strategy bilingual speakers use, rather than a sign of weak language proficiency. Although Grosjean\u2019s argument could be considered outdated in terms of the neuroscience of multilingualism and its recent advances, the monolingual bias and the concept of bilingualism based on traditional models such as additive and subtractive bilingualism have persisted in the field of TESOL and second language acquisition (Garc\u00eda & Kleyn, 2016; Ortega, 2014).<\/p>\n
As more recent studies after the \u201cmultilingual turn\u201d (May, 2014, p. 1) have furthered the theory and pedagogy of multilingualism and second language acquisition, the term translanguaging increasingly draws the attention of researchers. Although the frequently studied educational contexts about translanguaging are English as a second language (ESL) settings, due to its significant and influential impacts on local, context-sensitive language education outside ESL contexts, the pedagogical possibilities of translanguaging have recently been explored in Japanese EFL tertiary education (Sano, 2018; Turnbull, 2018). According to Garc\u00eda and Kleyn (2016), translanguaging practice refers to \u201cthe deployment of a speakers\u2019 full linguistic repertoire\u201d (p. 14), which transcends the boundaries of named languages created by social and political phenomenon. While code-switching is based on the external view that bilingual speakers use two different languages alternatively, translanguaging, which centralizes bilingual speakers without viewing them from the perspective of the language norm, offers an inclusive and internal view that they have one unique linguistic repertoire deployed selectively according to the context where communication happens (Garc\u00eda et al., 2017). Translanguaging thus enables bilingual users to see their language choice as a part of their whole language repertoire, empowering them as language users. Similar to code-switching, its pedagogical advantages are obvious: it can scaffold students \u201cto make connections and comparisons, ask deep questions, and practice and play with language\u201d (Garc\u00eda et al., 2017, p. 11). Garc\u00eda et al. also note that translanguaging helps students to see learning academic discourse as \u201cjust adding another set of language features and practices to their growing repertoires\u201d (p. 11).<\/p>\n
The Functions of L1 in EFL Classrooms<\/h4>\n
The previous studies that examined students\u2019 L1 use in the EFL settings suggested its pedagogical implications, identifying the functions of students\u2019 L1 use in the classroom. Sampson (2012) reported in a study of EFL adult learners in Colombia that their L1 use served various functions in the L2 classroom. These include (a) L1 equivalents for the lack of L2 lexical items, (b) metalanguage for classroom activities, which is \u201cdiscussion about<\/em> the tasks and other procedural concerns\u201d (p. 297), (c) floor holding during conversations, (d) reiteration requests, (e) socializing to develop group solidarity, and (f) L2 avoidance. Based on these findings, the study suggested that students\u2019 use of L1 by code-switching does not necessarily reflect their ability level, and rarely indicates their unwillingness to use L2. Instead, it serves the purpose of the aforementioned communicative functions. A more recent study reports that Norwegian EFL students ranging from 15 to 17 years of age showed positive attitudes toward their L1 use in the classroom, detailing its advantages for L2 learning (Neokleous, 2017). The students\u2019 voices revealed that their L1 use scaffolds their deeper learning and comprehension, boosting their confidence and providing a sense of security, and improving classroom atmosphere. Highlighting the students\u2019 appreciation of the application of L1 in the classroom, Neokleous\u2019s (2017) study suggested the importance of using L1 judiciously and taking into account students\u2019 preferences about L1 use to create an ideal L2 learning environment.<\/p>\n
Methodology<\/h3>\n
This study uses \u201ctranslanguaging\u201d as its theoretical framework to explore Japanese high school students\u2019 language features during communicative English activities. In the translanguaging model, as Garc\u00eda and Kleyn (2016) explain, a speaker\u2019s linguistic repertoire is seen as constantly transforming through social interaction with peers. Therefore, translanguaging pedagogy is \u201calways collaborative and student-centered\u201d (p. 22). This notion of translanguaging provides a rationale for this study, which focused on participant students\u2019 naturally occurring interaction with their peers in communicative English activities. The study uses the terms L1 and L2 to represent Japanese and English respectively to explain \u201cthe practices of bilinguals that are readily observable\u201d (Garc\u00eda, 2009, p. 44). However, the translanguaging model Garc\u00eda and Kleyn (2016) use is a strong version of translanguaging, which does not focus on L1 or L2. This is because bilingual people do not speak languages, but selectively use features of their linguistic repertoire (Garc\u00eda & Lin, 2017). Thus, the framework used for this study could be considered as a weak version of translanguaging in that the language boundary between L1 and L2 is set for the data analysis, presentation, and discussion.<\/p>\n
To explore students\u2019 L1 use in translanguaging (Garc\u00eda & Kleyn, 2016) during communicative L2 activities and their attitudes toward it, a case study approach (Duff & Anderson, 2015) was undertaken. To \u201cgain an insider perspective on the processes that accompany translanguaging\u201d for better translanguaging pedagogy (Canagarajah, 2011b, p. 6), the study sought to gain nuanced, grounded understanding by a survey, classroom observations, and follow-up individual interviews with students. To achieve this, the study was framed by the following two questions: (a) How do Japanese high school students use their L1 in translanguaging during communicative English activities? (b) What are Japanese high school students\u2019 attitudes toward their L1 use in translanguaging during communicative English activities?<\/p>\n
Setting and Participants<\/h4>\n
<\/a>
\nThe study took place at an advanced-level prefectural senior high school in Japan. Focusing on foreign language education, the school provides small classes with around 20 students for English courses and other foreign language courses. In addition, many programs that provide students with authentic language and intercultural learning opportunities characterize the school, such as study tours abroad and sister school exchange programs in cooperation with several schools in countries where the studied languages are used. Overall, students\u2019 motivation to learn foreign languages is relatively high. The average score of the TOEIC IP test the third-year students took at the beginning of the semester was 618, which indicated that they were advanced learners of English for their age. The study targeted a third-year two-credit English integrated skills course called International Communication (IC), with nine third-year Japanese high school students being the primary participants of this study. Ethical approval for this study was obtained from the school, the participants, and their parents.<\/p>\nData Collection<\/h4>\n
The researcher first conducted a simple one-question survey (see Appendix<\/a>) with the aim of obtaining a general understanding of students\u2019 frequency of L1 use during communicative L2 activities in class. One hundred ninety students who took the aforementioned course participated in the survey. With the result of the survey in mind, the researcher examined students\u2019 actual L1 use during the communicative activities in the course, observing 10 classes of 50 minutes over two different groups of 39 students in total. The observed students were among the 190 students who took part in the survey. The researcher observed the students\u2019 interactions with peers during communicative activities in the classroom, writing field notes to transcribe the students\u2019 L1 and L2 speech. The communicative activities used in class for this study were content discussions on topics in the textbook, such as robots and artificial intelligence in students\u2019 lives. The discussions were guided with prompts, for example, \u201cAre robots less stressful to interact with than humans?\u201d or \u201cWill having robot automation make life easier for humans?\u201d Done in pairs or small groups, the activities aimed to develop students\u2019 ability to exchange opinions about the assigned topics in English. To elicit students\u2019 interpretation of, intentions of, and perspectives toward their actual L1 use in translanguaging analyzed through classroom observations, the researcher asked students from the observed groups if they were willing to participate in a post-lesson individual interview. Nine students agreed to participate, and their voices became the primary data source of this study. During the interviews, the researcher showed each participant student the analyzed data about the students\u2019 translanguaging practice from the classroom observations, asking if they used L1 in the same way the data showed, and if so, why and how they used L1 during the communicative L2 activities, and what they thought of their L1 use in L2 classrooms. Regarding the interviewing strategy, this study used semi-structured interviews, since this method allows the researcher to be flexible and responsive to participants\u2019 answers, and thus to explore emerging themes that contribute to discovering new findings (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). Also, the interviews were conducted in Japanese in order to elicit rich, nuanced information from the participants.<\/p>\n
Data Analysis<\/h4>\n
To answer the research questions, a qualitative approach (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016) was employed. As Merriam and Tisdell (2016) explain, qualitative data analysis aims to make sense out of data by \u201cconsolidating, reducing, and interpreting what people have said and what the researcher has seen and read\u201d (p. 202). To achieve this, the content of field notes from the classroom observations and transcribed data from the individual interviews were analyzed in a qualitative data analysis software, MAXQDA Analytics Pro 2018. Through conducting an initial open coding without a specific focus and a secondary analytic coding with the aim of grouping the open codes, the researcher identified salient patterns and emergent themes, which were relevant to the research questions. The researcher translated the Japanese responses into English for exposition in this paper. The translation was checked for accuracy by a teaching colleague who was familiar with the context of this research and was bilingual in English and Japanese.<\/p>\n
Findings<\/h3>\n
The Frequency of Students\u2019 L1 Use<\/h4>\n
To gain a holistic understanding of students\u2019 L1 use in class, the quantitative one-question survey asked 190 students to report on how often they use their L1 partially during communicative L2 tasks such as discussions in English. The results are shown in Figure 1.<\/p>\n
\nFigure 1. Students\u2019 Reports on the Frequency with Which They Use L1 Partially During Communicative English Activities. n<\/em>=190. <\/strong><\/p>\nThe results suggested that all the participant students, in varying degrees, used their L1, Japanese, in class. The majority acknowledged the frequent partial use of Japanese during activities, with no one reporting the total exclusion of Japanese.<\/p>\n
The Actual Use of L1 During Communicative English Activities<\/h4>\n
Classroom observations were conducted to examine the students\u2019 actual L1 use in translanguaging during the communicative L2 tasks in class. The observed L1 utterances by the students were classified according to functions of speech, with five salient categories being identified. The categories are (a) fillers, (b) backchannelling, (c) asking for help, (d) equivalents, and (e) metalanguage.<\/p>\n
The students\u2019 partial L1 use was often observed as a form of fillers. These short Japanese fillers appeared just before longer utterances in English. The common observed fillers include etto<\/em> [well], nanka<\/em> [like], and nandaro<\/em> [What is that?]. Short, word-level L1 use also occurred when the students were actively listening and showed their interest toward the speakers. For example, h\u0113 <\/em>[I see \/ really (with falling intonation)], naruhodo<\/em> [I see], s\u014ddane<\/em> [right], and tashikani<\/em> [right] were used as backchannelling devices during English conversations.<\/p>\n
Also, the students often resorted to Japanese to appeal for help when they wished to express the English words or phrases that they did not know or could not say immediately. For example, \u201cSassuru<\/em> tte nanteiundakke?\u201d [How do you say reading between the lines<\/em>?], \u201cWasureppoi<\/em> tte nanteiuno?\u201d [How do you say forgetful<\/em>?], \u201cKaidan o noboru<\/em> tte?\u201d [What\u2019s going up stairs<\/em>?], and \u201cTeishotokusha<\/em> tte nanteiuno?\u201d [How do you say low-wage workers<\/em>?] In most cases, these L1 questions were followed by the answers from other students in the group or their teacher. The students then switched back to English again, repeating the given word or phrase and continuing their talk. In another case, one student asked for help but immediately came up with the English word: \u201cTashikameru<\/em> tte nandakke? Check?\u201d [How do you say check<\/em>? Check?]. This student returned to talking in English right after one of her peers responded to the Japanese question.<\/p>\n
Another form of salient L1 in translanguaging used by the students was classified as equivalents. Equivalent L1 use is partial use of Japanese while communicating in English which, in this study, tended to be word-level, phrase-level, and clause-level L1 use while avoiding using the L2 counterparts. The observed L1 equivalents include \u201cMy dog is very kowagari<\/em> [timid<\/em>],\u201d \u201cIf people work too hard, they will become noiroze<\/em> [have a mental breakdown<\/em>],\u201d and \u201cThe doctor was not accurate when I had haien<\/em> [pneumonia<\/em>]. The diagnosis was natsukaze<\/em> [a summer cold<\/em>],\u201d with phrase-level and clause-level L1 use being \u201cWhen I am busy, I can \u2026 jikan o tanshuku<\/em> [save time<\/em>]\u201d and \u201cIt\u2019s easy to communicate with robots because sasshitari shinakutemo iishi<\/em> [we don\u2019t have to read between the lines<\/em>].\u201d Also, L1 equivalent words sometimes followed their L2 counterparts as opposed to replacing them. For example, one student said, \u201cAfter I heard you talking, [I came to think] robots may be produceful [sic<\/em>]\u2026, seisanteteki <\/em>[productive<\/em>]?\u201d<\/em> and this was followed by her teacher\u2019s recast, \u201cProductive.\u201d It was obvious, by her uncertain facial expression and an unnatural pause, that the student switched to Japanese and explained the English word she was unsure of. On the other hand, another student used Japanese just as an additional explanation of an English word she was confident using: \u201cIt\u2019s useful for manual labor, chikara shigoto <\/em>[manual labor<\/em>].\u201d This example appeared to be unique considering the fact that the most frequently observed L1 equivalent examples were simply replacing English words or phrases, seemingly due to the lack of the lexical items in the students\u2019 language system. Explanations for the use of these L1 equivalents were mentioned during the post-lesson individual interviews with the students.<\/p>\n
The last frequently observed form of L1 use was as metalanguage, which refers to L1 use for talking about the tasks themselves (Eldridge, 1996; Sampson, 2012). During communicative tasks, the students used Japanese to talk about the task procedures, clarify and confirm the discussion questions and foci, and facilitate and maintain the tasks with peers. For example, before initiating the English discussion, one student said, \u201cWatashi wa for no hou desu. Dozo. [I\u2019m for, go ahead.]\u201d Again, before the discussion, another student asked a peer about a discussion topic, \u201cNanka robotto dake ga shindan suruno wa iika waruika tte koto dayone? [Is it like whether it\u2019s good or bad for us to rely on robots diagnosing patients?]. When questions about the discussion questions or foci were articulated in Japanese, the answers were also given in Japanese, which were followed by English discussion. Some students used Japanese partially to facilitate the tasks, for example: \u201cMeccha jikan tsukatteta, hokano hito dozo. [I took too much time. Someone else, go ahead, please.].\u201d One student, as a discussion leader, tried to conclude the discussion in English but did not know how to do it and said, \u201cThank you for\u2026nandaro<\/em> [how do you say it<\/em>?], \u2026Thank you! Shimekata ga wakaranai<\/em> [I don\u2019t know how to end this<\/em>].\u201d One thing that should be noted regarding these examples of translanguaging is that although they used Japanese as metalanguage, the actual tasks were maintained mostly in English. It was observed that the students tried to use English as much as possible when engaging in the actual discussion.<\/p>\n
The Students\u2019 Voices Regarding the Use of L1<\/h4>\n
The researcher conducted individual interviews with nine students from the observed groups to explore their reasons for and perceptions toward their partial Japanese use during communicative tasks in English. The analysis of the coded interview data found three salient themes, which are presented below.<\/p>\n
Communication strategies. <\/strong>All the interviewees touched upon their partial Japanese use as a strategy for learning and completing the assigned tasks. When asked for the reasons behind the use of L1 equivalent in the sentence: \u201cMy dog is very kowagari<\/em> [timid<\/em>],\u201d the student who made the statement said:<\/p>\n
I couldn\u2019t come up with the English word. I was like \u201cMy dog is very\u2026 what\u2019s the word?\u201d and I ended up using Japanese for that. The word \u201ctimid\u201d was simply not available in the dictionary in my brain and I thought if I explained that word differently in English, it would take too much time.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n
As the above quote indicated, circumlocution in English appears to be challenging for the students. Another student said,<\/p>\n
I tried to explain an English word I didn\u2019t know in a roundabout way using different expressions in English. But it didn\u2019t work well and I couldn\u2019t get my message across and made it even more difficult and complicated for the listeners to understand\u2026 They were confused like \u201cWhat\u2026?\u201d and I knew that by seeing their faces. Every time I try, I get that kind of facial expression.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n
In addition, motivation for using partial Japanese seems to come from the availability of peers\u2019 support. When asked for the reason for asking for help in Japanese, one student said, \u201cI want to get my message across all in English but if I say a Japanese word, someone in my group gives me the English word. I use my friends as my dictionary.\u201d Another shared a positive perspective on the equivalent L1 use:<\/p>\n
I feel I have to speak like this [mixing Japanese while talking in English] when I have no idea what to say in English. And if someone supports and helps me with the parts I had to say in Japanese, I can learn. I think it\u2019s better than just remaining quiet because you don\u2019t know the words in English.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n
As mentioned in the previous section, the equivalent L1 use occurred in the form of not only completely replacing the English vocabulary with the Japanese, but also adding the equivalent Japanese after the English words to make sure the listeners understood. The very student who made the statement, \u201cIt\u2019s useful for manual labor, chikara shigoto<\/em> [manual labor<\/em>].\u201d explained the reason behind this translanguaging:<\/p>\n
There are occasions the listeners look completely blank when you use a word you recently remembered, for example, the word \u201ccompensate\u201d or a difficult one like \u201cco-existence,\u201d even though you found the perfect situation for using these words, aren\u2019t there? If that is the case, I switch to Japanese. Yes, that happens often. I know I should\u2019ve paraphrased those words in English but I couldn\u2019t.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n
Another student also expressed her reason for such partial L1 use: \u201cYes, I do that [equivalent L1 use]. I\u2019m worried if I can get my message across when I say it in English. I wonder if everyone knows the word I use, and if not, it might go more smoothly if I use Japanese, I guess.\u201d These students\u2019 voices show that they selectively use Japanese as a strategy for maintaining communication in English not necessarily due to the lack of their own linguistic resources in English. Rather, their Japanese use in translanguaging reflected their ability to use flexible communication skills to alter their ways of talking, taking into consideration their listeners\u2019 responses and competences.<\/p>\n
Learner and instructional factors. <\/strong>Another finding surrounding the students\u2019 partial L1 use in translanguaging pertains to the particularity of learners and instructions in high school in Japan. For example, affective factors influenced their linguistic choices during the communicative English tasks. When asked for the reason for their using Japanese fillers instead of English ones, one student mentioned, \u201cThe act of speaking English comes with a certain amount of embarrassment. If I keep talking and talking in English, that makes me feel a little bit embarrassed, and to mitigate the embarrassment, I think I used fillers in Japanese.\u201d<\/p>\n
Another student said, \u201c[During the classroom tasks] We\u2019re talking with our friends who we talk with in Japanese in our daily life. There are people I think are feeling embarrassed with talking in English.\u201d In line with these comments, another elaborated on the use of fillers:<\/p>\n
If I say, \u201cI see\u201d or something like that, I feel a bit strange. No, it\u2019s actually not strange but it\u2019s like embarrassment, I mean it\u2019s because of the classroom atmosphere. Maybe if more than half of the students said, \u201cI see,\u201d I would say \u201cI see,\u201d but if they say naruhodone <\/em>[I see<\/em>] or wakaru<\/em> [You\u2019re right<\/em>], I\u2019m Japanese, so I\u2019m influenced by the majority.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n
As this quote suggests, it appears that group dynamics play a role in their translanguaging. In other words, the students influenced each other in making their linguistic choices. For another example, a student mentioned,<\/p>\n
I think everyone [in my group] said like nanka<\/em> [well<\/em>] and basically the discussions weren\u2019t completely in English, were they? Everyone used Japanese a little bit and if they were completely in English I would try, but I wonder if I was consciously trying to use English all the time.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n
Another student reported that she selectively uses Japanese fillers according to the person she speaks to:<\/p>\n
Depending on the person I talked to, for example, with Yuki or Nana, I use \u201cwell\u201d or \u201cyou know\u201d [in English] because I know them very well, spending time with them for three years, I know they can communicate in English. If I use nanka<\/em> [well<\/em>] to them, I know it\u2019s not good for them. But there are also students who mainly think in Japanese and use English partially. When I work with them, I feel it\u2019s okay to use Japanese.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n
Sometimes, the students\u2019 Japanese became dominant in group discussions where the focus was solely on the content, which required critical thinking skills. One student shared her desire to use English more:<\/p>\n
In the last class, when we discussed the dialects, I was wondering if we were supposed to use English or Japanese. This class has been my only chance to extensively use English at school these days, so I tried to speak in English but others spoke in Japanese. If everyone else starts speaking Japanese, there\u2019s no way for only you to keep talking in English, don\u2019tou think? I really wanted to try speaking English but it was in Japanese. I sometimes wonder if this should be done in English or Japanese. I wasn\u2019t sure last time. I would appreciate it if the teacher would say \u201cWe can talk about it in Japanese because the content is really important for today\u2019s discussion,\u201d or something like that.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n
Along with the affective factors and the peer influences, the limitations of the classroom tasks induced the students\u2019 Japanese use during the English discussions. More specifically, the time constraints of the classroom tasks presented challenges for the students trying to exclude their partial Japanese use. One student elaborated on her word and phrase level L1 use:<\/p>\n
I want to use English as much as possible during the limited class time, but the last thing I would want to happen is that I fail, because of the lack of my vocabulary, to express myself or to hear my peers\u2019 opinions during discussions with the time limit of like one minute. And that\u2019s followed by the teacher\u2019s asking us to share with the whole class what we discussed in the group. I don\u2019 really like it when I can\u2019t have discussions with my peers just because I have stumbled in English, but I do have something to say, so I use Japanese to fill the gap quickly. I\u2019m under pressure.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n
Another also noted with regards to her word and phrase level L1:<\/p>\n
As for myself, I think I end up using Japanese when English doesn\u2019t come out quickly. I think I can explain words in a roundabout way in English but it takes time. Everyone is listening and waiting [for their turns] so I guess that makes me feel like going with Japanese. I know it\u2019s not good.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n
In addition, she touched upon the use of Japanese when talking about the task instructions with her peers:<\/p>\n
When I explain [what the teacher has said] to my friends, if I do it using simple English, it doesn\u2019t go smoothly. They want to know [what to do] quickly because the class will continue on without us. If that\u2019s the case, I end up using Japanese but I don\u2019t know if that\u2019s good.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n
As these quotes indicate, there were time limits set for the classroom tasks, along with what the students were expected to do in the tasks, that is, in this case, for everyone in the small group to contribute to the discussion. These tasks were followed by the sharing of the content of the group discussion in the whole class. The students\u2019 voices indicated that how long they were given for the tasks and what they were expected to do during and after the tasks induced their Japanese use in translanguaging. Their Japanese use in the tasks could simply be seen as a strategy for communication; however, it is how the tasks are designed that plays a critical role in their use of Japanese in class.<\/p>\n
L1 sidetracking: A communication layer for translanguaging. <\/strong>As the previous section regarding their actual L1 use during the communicative tasks showed, the students frequently used L1 for communication other than the contents of discussion. These include, for example, talking about what they were supposed to do for the tasks, asking about specific language items, or facilitating the discussions. The use of these L1 features were also coded and coined \u201csidetracking\u201d from the students\u2019 voices during the interviews. A student reflected on her partial use of Japanese and mentioned, \u201cFor me, there is a main track [for the communicative tasks in English] and when I turn off the main track to ask how I should say this word [in English], I think I use Japanese. It\u2019s like I end up using Japanese when it\u2019s not related to the contents [of discussion].\u201d Also, she explained the use of Japanese for understanding the discussion prompts, talking about the procedures and facilitating the discussions:<\/p>\n
This is like I said earlier, the main track and the side track. This usage falls under the side track, I guess. After all, English doesn\u2019t seep into my everyday life as much as Japanese, so it\u2019s like when it comes to the language that instantly comes out, it\u2019s still Japanese.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n
As her quotes show, during the classroom tasks, she differentiates and shuttles back and forth between the two parallel layers: the main track, the discussion contents in English and the side track, everything else surrounding the tasks in Japanese.<\/p>\n
In line with the above quotes, another student elaborated on the reasons behind her partial Japanese. She thought that she used Japanese to ask her peers for English vocabulary during the discussion and said, \u201cI feel like I\u2019ve come back to my normal life [when I use Japanese to ask questions about English vocabulary]. It\u2019s like being away from the space of debates and discussions for a short period of time and I go back to Japanese to ask, ‘What is this in English?’\u201d<\/p>\n
Also, touching upon the use of Japanese to facilitate activities while the researcher was showing her the data about her translanguaging practice, she mentioned:<\/p>\n
This is the one I said, right? I think this [use of metalanguage] also makes me feel like I\u2019ve returned to my normal life. It\u2019s not like losing focus, but that\u2019s the moment when I turn off the discussion topic, well I think I did that partially because I wanted to make the group atmosphere good or I did that without thinking like, \u201cI guess it [Japanese] is okay here.\u201d<\/p><\/blockquote>\n
Here, with discussion tasks being the main track, a \u201cnormal life\u201d indicates sidetracking from the main track. This encapsulates how students intuitively differentiated classroom tasks designed for English discussions from everyday communication with peers.<\/p>\n
Students\u2019 Perspectives Toward L1 Use<\/h4>\n
The interviews revealed the students\u2019 varying beliefs and values surrounding their use of Japanese. Expressing the difficulty of exclusively using English in class, one student acknowledged the value of partially and selectively using Japanese:<\/p>\n
[When I tried to use English all the time in class,] I couldn\u2019t explain what I wanted to say [in English] very well and felt frustrated, thinking I wish I could use Japanese. I think it\u2019s okay to use Japanese a little bit because you can get your message across and if I want to have conversations more smoothly, I think I should use [Japanese].<\/p><\/blockquote>\n
Holding mixed feelings toward the use of L1 by saying, \u201cI know, ideally, I should use English but I end up using Japanese,\u201d another student elaborated on her use of Japanese:<\/p>\n
I think using Japanese for a sentence or words shows that you tried to use English as much as possible but failed just a little bit. I try to use English whenever possible, but of course, it\u2019s more effective to communicate in Japanese. When I use English, my expressions end up being too simple compared to Japanese. For example, when it comes to course evaluations, I can only write \u201cIt\u2019s fun,\u201d or something like that. I know my English skills are not good enough, but I think it\u2019s okay to use Japanese when having deep discussions.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n
As the above quote indicates, the partial use of Japanese in translanguaging can be seen as evidence of students\u2019 effort to communicate themselves in English. Also, another student mentioned while explaining word-level L1 use, \u201cUsing Japanese makes people laugh. It\u2019s like hahaha, and we\u2019re like, ‘We couldn\u2019t say it,’ and everyone starts thinking like, ‘What\u2019s the word in English?’\u201d These students\u2019 voices show that the partial use of Japanese reflects students\u2019 willingness and effort to use and learn English as much as possible in class, as opposed to their reluctance to communicate in English or to participate in the communicative tasks.<\/p>\n
On the other hand, the interview also revealed students\u2019 negative perception toward the partial use of L1. One student, acknowledging that her beliefs and actual practice in class are contradictory, mentioned:<\/p>\n
I can\u2019t help [but use Japanese partially in class] but I have a negative feeling [about using Japanese partially in class]. We\u2019re in an English-rich environment and teachers use English for us from start to end in class, some teachers use both English and Japanese though. I think it\u2019s unfortunate to end up being like this [using Japanese in class] without us trying hard enough. I think it\u2019s all about students\u2019 motivation.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n
Asked if she uses Japanese when asking for help, another student answered:<\/p>\n
Yes, I do. I also use English but there are occasions where I spoiled myself by using Japanese. I wonder if I was slacking. I really wish to use English all the time for IC classes. I know I can improve my English more if I only use English in class instead of partially using and mixing Japanese and English. If I exclusively use English, I do think I can really improve. I know it\u2019s hard though.<\/p><\/blockquote>\n
These students, during the interview, indicated their belief that they should use English more and reduce Japanese in class, but as they explained, it\u2019s not easy. The individual interviews not only identified varying students\u2019 perceptions toward the partial use of L1, but also observed, within individual students, a gap between their beliefs and their actual practice in class.<\/p>\n
Discussion<\/h3>\n
The data analysis answers the following questions: (a) How do Japanese high school students use their L1 in translanguaging during communicative English activities? (b) What are Japanese high school students\u2019 attitudes toward their L1 use in translanguaging during communicative English activities? This section discusses, based on the data analysis, students\u2019 perceived and actual use of L1 in translanguaging in class, influential factors surrounding their L1 use, and their perceptions and values toward it.<\/p>\n
As for the first question, the quantitative survey results indicated all the students partially used L1 during the communicative L2 activities to varying degrees. The observation data supported the survey results and identified the students\u2019 partial L1 use for various purposes. This is not an unexpected result at all considering the fact translanguaging practice occurs naturally in English classrooms and cannot be suppressed by English-only policies (Canagarajah, 2011a). The classroom observations, in line with Sampson\u2019s (2012) study, revealed that the students\u2019 nuanced use of L1 for various purposes during the communicative tasks, which was classified as (a) fillers, (b) backchannelling, (c) asking for help, (d) equivalents, and (f) metalanguage. Through using these speech functions, the observed students showcased their ability to leverage their linguistic resources in their language system, which exemplifies translanguaging practice Garc\u00eda and Kleyn (2016) refer to. The students\u2019 translanguaging practice highlighted their dynamic multilingual communication triggered by the classroom discourse where L1 is shared among the students. This was further justified by the follow-up interview data showing that their partial L1 use in translanguaging played strategic roles for efficient communication, complementing their lack of linguistic resources in their target language or assisting students in appealing for help in compensating for such resource deficits. What should be noted here is that the observed strategic practices such as using L1 equivalents and asking for help in L1 in translanguaging lead to the students\u2019 L2 learning, providing opportunities to ask about L2 words or phrases and to have their questions answered by their peers or teacher. Such pedagogical benefits for collaborative L2 learning are also noted in the SLA research influenced by Vygotsky’s (1978) sociocultural theory, where L1 is considered as an essential support for learners\u2019 negotiating form and meaning (Spada, 2007).<\/p>\n
The motivation for partial L1 usage, however, is not always tied to their lack of linguistic resources in the target language. The classroom observations and interviews revealed that students also used L1 to give explanations about L2 words and phrases they thought would be difficult for their peers. This illustrates the students\u2019 awareness of audience and their ability to take into consideration their listeners\u2019 linguistic resources, highlighting their high level of communicative competence in utilizing what language is understandable between the interlocutor and the audience.<\/p>\n
The communicative tasks in class allowed the students to create a unique communication layer for their languaging. Coined \u201csidetracking,\u201d utilizing a communicative space where they selectively use L1 in translanguaging was confirmed. In line with a translanguaging space, the side track offered a communication layer for deploying various communicative and learning strategies noted in the literature (e.g., Garc\u00eda et al, 2017; Sampson, 2012; Turnbull, 2018). As the observation and interview data showed, students\u2019 sidetracking only occurs when they are on the main track, where they engage in the contents of discussion in L2. In other words, sidetracking without a main track does not exist, and L1 use in class that is completely unrelated to L2 learning is not discussed here. With this in mind, the data analysis suggests that the students\u2019 sidetracking practice exemplifies their dynamic multilingual competence, highlighting their high level of engagement in the assigned tasks while confirming the discussion prompts provided by the teacher, clearing up the procedural concerns, and facilitating the discussions. It also highlights the students\u2019 motivation toward learning L2 vocabulary and phrases, as opposed to their mere unwillingness to use or learn L2 in class. This finding compliments Sampson\u2019s (2012) study that found students\u2019 use of L1 rarely indicates their unwillingness to use L2 in class. There are various factors in the classroom inducing and affecting their sidetracking practice, which are discussed below.<\/p>\n
As the data analysis showed, the students\u2019 L1 use was triggered by various factors pertaining to their L2 learning context. The partial L1 use, such as Japanese fillers inserted in longer English utterances was induced by affective factors, where the students felt embarrassed dominantly using English with peers who shared the same L1 in the classroom. The fact that Japanese communication is the norm in their everyday life, with interpersonal communication in English being rare outside English classes, seems to make in-class English communication with Japanese peers artificial. Such unnaturalness in L2 classroom tasks has a big impact on how they project themselves to peers when choosing which language to use fillers from. As the interview data revealed, L1 fillers used among peers of the same L1 were used to lower the affective factors generated by the students\u2019 learning context. This indicates the students\u2019 effort and motivation to keep L2 communication going while mitigating such affective factors. Also, group dynamics played a role in encouraging their partial L1 use. The students\u2019 voices revealed that their linguistic choice of using L1 fillers was influenced by their peers\u2019 performance, and one student\u2019s L1 fillers led other students to use them more. Their L1 use induced by peer influences, as the data analysis implied, might also indicate the students\u2019 motivation and desires to conform and communicate harmoniously in assigned tasks. The factors discussed would not have been easily created in other contexts, such as ESL classrooms where students use the target language in their daily life or where they don\u2019t share the same L1 with peers.<\/p>\n
Along with the factors discussed above, the data analysis observed that the time constraints of the classroom tasks presented challenges for students to keep the conversation only in L2 and instead promoted their use of communication strategies in L1. Under time pressure, the use of L1 was deployed to save time when completing the tasks. Dominating the floor by using communication strategies in L2 such as circumlocution was avoided under time pressure in order not to inconvenience their peers, which highlighted the students\u2019 respect and attentiveness to their peers. Utilizing the shared L1 seems to be considered an optimal strategy to address communication difficulties when completing the tasks, which seems quite natural in EFL contexts. However, had there been task scaffolding to alleviate time pressure with an explicit instruction to use communication strategies in L2, the students might have been able to use L2 more dominantly with less aid from L1 when addressing their lack of L2 resources. The students\u2019 attitudes toward using partial L1 in translanguaging during the tasks revealed their motivation and desire to use L2 and their acknowledgment of the need to use L2 more, which answers the second research question. The details are discussed in the following paragraph.<\/p>\n
The classroom observation confirmed the strategic roles students\u2019 L1 played in maintaining communication and learning L2. Also, the individual interview data provided students\u2019 voices acknowledging the usefulness of partial L1 through such strategies. These findings are consistent with the literature in that students\u2019 L1 serves various communicative and learning purposes (Garc\u00eda et al., 2017; Neokleous, 2017; Sampson, 2012). Students\u2019 attitudes toward their partial use of L1, however, were found to be varying, complex, and even dilemmatic, revealing their desire to use L2 more in class. While some students acknowledged the value in using L1 partially in the classroom tasks, others explicitly expressed their concerns about L1 limiting their L2 learning opportunities. This may come as no surprise, considering their learning context, where contact with L2 is limited outside of classrooms. However, as the findings showed, even the students who had negative perspectives toward L1 used L1 in the classroom tasks. The gap between the students\u2019 beliefs and their practices surrounding their partial L1 use was highlighted in the study.<\/p>\n
Implications and Conclusion<\/h3>\n
The purpose of this study was to examine Japanese high school students\u2019 use and perceptions of L1 in translanguaging during communicative activities in the English classroom. Revealing context-sensitive findings, this case study pursues transferability to similar teaching contexts. To achieve transferability, the students\u2019 voices, attitudes, and classroom practices were presented, which provided \u201csufficient descriptive data\u201d (Lincoln & Guba, 1985, p. 298). Three important implications, based on the findings and their transferability, can be drawn for English teachers in Japan and similar teaching contexts.<\/p>\n
First, the findings of this study suggest the importance of reevaluating students\u2019 languaging during communicative activities in class. In light of the students\u2019 dynamic, complex languaging utilizing their linguistic resources in both L1 and L2 in this study, the holistic concept that bilingualism is \u201cnot monolingualism times two\u201d (Garc\u00eda, 2009, p. 71) extends to and offers insightful implications to Japanese EFL contexts, where the increasing importance of the monolingual approach is observed in the Course of Study. Even though teachers avoid using L1 to maximize students\u2019 L2 exposure and to facilitate communicative activities in L2, students\u2019 performance should not be seen through the lens of a traditional monolingual view. As Grosjean argues (1989), the monolingual view that bilingual speakers have two separate language systems considers the contact of their two languages as \u201caccidental and anomalous\u201d (p. 5). Rather, as this study showed, the liaison of learners\u2019 linguistic resources leveraging communicative competence in two languages is inevitable and normal.<\/p>\n
Use of the bilingual communicative space was coined sidetracking by students\u2019 voices, and it shed light on the unique communication layer during L2 communicative activities where students utilize their L1 in translanguaging. Acknowledging the sidetracking layer in light of the notion of translanguaging helps to prevent English teachers from overlooking the pedagogical benefits of students\u2019 translanguaging practice for L2 learning. Considering the spontaneous nature of translanguaging (Canagarajah, 2011a), teachers need to examine how students\u2019 L1 use through sidetracking conduces to their L2 development, as Spada (2007) suggests. In English-only classrooms in particular, L1 sidetracking during the communicative L2 activities tends to be seen negatively, and it does not seem to be ideal language practice for classroom communicative activities MEXT (2009, 2018) envisions in the Course of Study. However, as this study suggests, sidetracking did not reflect the students\u2019 unwillingness to use L2, but rather was a byproduct of their attempts to use and learn L2, and it served as various communicative and learning strategies. Therefore, it would be judicious for teachers to carefully appraise what is actually happening when students are sidetracking during assigned tasks so that teachers can design appropriate scaffolds to enhance students\u2019 L2 learning experiences.<\/p>\n
Second, examining influential factors that induce students\u2019 use of L1 is essential. This study identified three factors, which include affective factors, peer influences, and task designs. Teachers\u2019 encouraging students to use L2 more and saying \u201cNo Japanese\u201d to them, failing to take these factors into consideration would not enhance students\u2019 L2 learning experiences and outcomes in the long run. Through observing students\u2019 performance and identifying factors inhibiting students from achieving the performance they pursue, designing and providing specific, practical instruction with appropriate scaffolds to students is critical for contextualized CLT and, in turn, for students\u2019 gradual L2 development. For example, intentional, explicit, and continuous instruction on fillers, backchanneling devices, and expressions to ask for help in L2 might mitigate students\u2019 affective factors and help them feel more comfortable using such communication strategies in L2. Addressing students\u2019 affective factors is critically important to enhance classroom atmosphere, especially when there is a strong peer influence. As for the factor related to task designs, this study suggested that teachers need to be careful about the allocation of time for the communicative activities. Depending on the goal of activities and students\u2019 performance, allowing students whatever time they need to take risks in practicing L2 would benefit students\u2019 L2 development. Providing appropriate scaffolds for students before the activities, such as what Ellis (2006) calls \u201cstrategic planning\u201d (p. 24) relating to language or content focus while utilizing the language repertoire available to them, would be an alternative option to enhance students\u2019 L2 learning experiences. These suggestions are context-sensitive applications, extensions, and elaboration of Willis\u2019s (1996) claim, \u201cDon’t ban mother-tongue use but encourage attempts to use the target language\u201d (p. 130) with a translanguaging point of view in mind.<\/p>\n
Lastly, students\u2019 attitudes toward their use of L1 should not be overlooked. The usefulness of their partial L1 as communication and learning strategies was acknowledged; however, the students\u2019 complex and dilemmatic attitudes toward L1 use in class were also revealed. The interview data suggested that use of L1 connotes not students\u2019 unwillingness but rather their desire to use L2 more. Therefore, teachers, while providing the aforementioned instructional scaffolds to optimize students\u2019 L2 output and to address their needs, should embrace students\u2019 occasional, spontaneous sidetracking practice in translanguaging to allow them to make self-scaffolding possible. Also, teachers should reflect on and learn from students\u2019 sidetracking practice in class to design effective L2 instruction. The opportunity for teachers to observe such students\u2019 sidetracking practice would have the potential to become a \u201ccritical incident\u201d (Farrell & Baecher, 2017, p. 2) for reflective language teaching. Viewing naturally occurring L1 sidetracking in translanguaging as students\u2019 strategies and as a catalyst for teachers\u2019 reflection to design optimal L2 instruction would be a necessary first step for pursuing contextualized CLT in EFL settings.<\/p>\n
About the Author<\/h3>\n
Ryosuke Aoyama<\/strong> is an English teacher in Japan, currently working at Kanagawa Prefectural Yokohama Senior High School of International Studies, where he heads the Foreign Language Department. His research interests include translanguaging, world Englishes, language ideology, NNEST identity, and L2 writing.<\/p>\n
References<\/h3>\n
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\nTurnbull, B. (2018). Is there a potential for a translanguaging approach to English education in Japan? JALT Journal, 40<\/em>(2), 101\u2013134.<\/p>\nVygotsky, L. S. (1978). Mind in society: The development of higher psychological processes.<\/em> Harvard University Press.<\/p>\n
Willis, J. (1996). A framework for task-based language learning<\/em>. Longman.<\/p>\n
Appendix<\/h3>\n
Student Survey<\/strong><\/p>\n
\u82f1\u8a9e\u306e\u6388\u696d\u306b\u304a\u3051\u308b\u90e8\u5206\u7684\u306a\u65e5\u672c\u8a9e\u306e\u4f7f\u7528\u306b\u95a2\u3059\u308b\u30a2\u30f3\u30b1\u30fc\u30c8<\/p>\n
[Survey on the partial use of Japanese in English classes]<\/p>\n
\u30da\u30a2\u3084\u30b0\u30eb\u30fc\u30d7\u3067\u82f1\u8a9e\u306b\u3088\u308b\u4f1a\u8a71\u30fb\u30c7\u30a3\u30b9\u30ab\u30c3\u30b7\u30e7\u30f3\u306a\u3069\u306e\u6d3b\u52d5\u306b\u304a\u3044\u3066\u3001\u90e8\u5206\u7684\u306b\u65e5\u672c\u8a9e\u3092\u4f7f\u3046\u3053\u3068\u306f\u3042\u308a\u307e\u3059\u304b\u3002[Do you use some Japanese in pair\/group work activities such as conversations and discussions in English?]<\/p>\n
\n
- \u3044\u3064\u3082[Always] 2. \u3088\u304f\u3042\u308b[Very Often] 3. \u3068\u304d\u3069\u304d[Sometimes]<\/li>\n
- \u3081\u3063\u305f\u306b\u306a\u3044[Rarely] 5. \u6c7a\u3057\u3066\u306a\u3044 [Never]<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n
![\"Figure](\"http:\/\/tesl-ej.org\/ej92\/a12pix\/image1.png\")