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Mediating Educational Transitions with Near-Peer Role Models in the Language Classroom

February 2025 – Volume 28, Number 4

https://doi.org/10.55593/ej.28112a6

Daniel Hooper
Tokyo Kasei University, Japan
<tywardreathdanatmarkgmail.com>

Abstract

Moving from one educational setting to another is often accompanied by various psychological and emotional stressors. In the case of English education in Japan this is exacerbated further by an enduring ideological division in the field between English for test-taking and the use of English as a communicative tool. In order to explore potential avenues for mitigating transitional stress, this study examines the ways in which near-peer role models (NPRMs) might mediate the challenges faced by first-year English students in a Japanese university. Written reactions to two videos of NPRMs discussing their experiences in university were collected from 39 first-year students. This data was then thematically coded and subsequently analyzed for any ways in which listening to the NPRM videos may have aided students in adjusting to their new educational environment. Student responses indicated the NPRMs were considered impressive role models due to their L2 proficiency and positive attitude. They also served as sources of knowledge for learning resources and strategies and offered relatable examples of how to handle language learning challenges. These findings suggest that similar pedagogical interventions utilizing NPRMs may represent a valuable social and symbolic resource providing psychological or emotional support while socializing students transitioning into a new learning environment.

Keywords: near-peer role models, transitions, Japan, mediation

The transition between secondary and tertiary education can be a period of intense instability and emotional labor for students. In transitioning across two spheres of experience (Zittoun, 2006) or life frames (Goffman, 1975), students are often required to adapt quickly to the demands of the new environment and ascertain if and how the knowledgeability they have accumulated up until that point can be deployed in that setting. In line with Wenger’s (1998) ubiquitous theory of communities of practice, one must also consider that the degree and nature of participation in learning within any community or social setting is inextricably tied to one’s identity development. Therefore, it stands to reason that considerable practical and emotional demands are likely to accompany an individual’s boundary crossing between the worlds of high school and university. In her research on the process of such life transitions, Zittoun (2006) has termed these demands and the feelings of instability and discomfort that they invoke as rupture. Existing research on the experiences of first-year university students has supported the idea of secondary-tertiary educational transitions as rupture-inducing events. Focusing primarily on college students in the US, Tinto (2020) highlighted both the struggles that freshmen face in transitioning into higher education and also the relatively meager institutional support available to assist them in negotiating rupture. This issue is particularly concerning when one examines research by Gore (2006) showing that student perceptions of self-efficacy, and in turn, future academic achievement are influenced more by their situation at the end of their first year of tertiary education than by their self-efficacy perceptions before entering university.

In the case of English education in Japan, certain sociocultural factors serve to exacerbate rupture stemming from a knowledge and identity gap between secondary and tertiary spheres of experience. While the educational ideology of eigo – English taught as an academic subject for exam preparation – continues to be prevalent in secondary education, university English classes are often aligned with developing competence in eikaiwa – focusing on the development of oral communicative skills (Hiramoto, 2013; Nagatomo, 2016). Numerous studies have shed light upon the impact that this ideologically-fractured educational landscape can have on students (Hooper, 2023a; Miyahara, 2015; Mynard et al., 2020; Nagatomo & Allen, 2019) and the transitional rupture they experience. Consequently, one might confidently argue that educational interventions aimed at mediating rupture among Japanese freshman university English learners would be beneficial for the enhancement of their wellbeing and, potentially, their chances of academic success.

With this in mind, in this exploratory classroom study, I investigate the ways in which a near-peer role model (NPRM)-based pedagogical intervention may be a source of transitional resources for students entering an English course in a Japanese university. Based on a qualitative analysis of first-year student reactions to videos of senior peers, I therefore will attempt to address the following research question: 1) In what ways do NPRMs mediate student transitions into tertiary English education in Japan?

Literature Review

Transitional Resources

In Zittoun’s (2007) research into how individuals cope with transitional rupture, she discussed three distinct types of transitional resources–cognitive, social, and symbolic–that people may draw upon to mediate any associated identity threat, knowledge deficit, or emotional labor. Cognitive resources refer to any knowledge or skills acquired across an individual’s life that can be applied to the new sphere of experience. In the case of language learning, this could include lexicogrammatical knowledge, communication strategies, pragmatic competences, or language learning strategies. Social resources are people who act as transitional mediators by providing affective support, access to information, and opportunities/guidance for socialization into a new community of practice. One recent study by Garza et al. (2021) highlighted the importance of social resources as they demonstrated how socioacademic integrative moments (Deil-Amen, 2011) –“combined social and academic opportunities of interaction for community college students” (Garza et al., 2021, p. 33)–significantly increased English language learners’ sense of belonging as they transitioned into higher education. Finally, certain cultural artifacts (music, art, movies, etc.) can represent symbolic resources characterized by a “distancing beyond the here-and-now” (Zittoun, 2007, p. 7) that engage the imagination to facilitate sense-making within transitional rupture. One example of a symbolic resource from Zittoun (2006) was how Thomas, a boy who transitioned from a strict, conservative upbringing on a small island to life in a boarding school, utilized a religious text as a symbolic resource. Thomas described how he used religious readings to regulate stress, provide guidance for how to act in his new sphere, as well as representing a constant link to his former (strictly religious) life. In interpreting how transitional resources impact individual experience, Zittoun’s conception of transitions is influenced by Vygotskian theory as she emphasized how psychological change is impacted by both intrapersonal and interpersonal systems. This dual recognition of the interconnectedness of the external and the internal is represented as a semiotic prism (Figure 1) illustrating how psychological change is mediated interpersonally (person to other and person to object) as well as intrapersonally (person to sense-of-object for that person). Put simply, our psychological development while experiencing rupture is impacted by both external factors (people, tools) and the internalized way that we give those factors personal meaning.


Figure 1. The Semiotic Prism (Zittoun, 2008, p. 169)

As we move between spheres of experience, the various resources that we have access to and the meaning that we determine them to have has a substantial impact on the way that we process rupture and whether or not we can reach “renewed regular functioning” (Zittoun, 2008, p. 165) in our new environment. Of course, not all life changes are positive, and Zittoun has made a distinction between transitions that facilitate further growth (developmental) and those that engender an individual’s “alienation from the world, or from herself” (p. 166) and lead to stagnation (non-developmental). From an educational perspective, therefore, the existing literature on transitions has suggested the need for teachers to be aware of the stresses of rupture and provide resource-rich environments that afford students opportunities for support and developmental change. One such social/symbolic resource that has been identified in numerous existing studies to support learners in educational transition is that of near-peer role models.

Near-Peer Role Models (NPRMs)

A near-peer role model, according to Murphey and Arao (2001), is someone we respect who is “‘near’ to us in several ways: age, ethnicity, gender, interests, past or present experiences, and also in proximity and in frequency of social contact” (p. 1). An NPRM could be a sibling, friend, teammate, or even someone like a teacher or coach who has come from a similar background to us (Muir, 2018). A common type of NPRM featured in numerous studies is a slightly older learner who has studied in a similar context or who has had comparable educational experiences to those around them (Lingley, 2015; Murphey & Arao, 2001; Ruddick & Nadasdy, 2013; Walters, 2020). Due to their symbolic proximity to learners (Murphey, 1998), the pedagogical rationale for encouraging near-peer role modeling has often been linked to Bandura’s (1977, 1997) work into self-efficacy and, more specifically, the notion of vicarious experience. Vicarious experience relates to how seeing someone similar to themselves succeed in a given task through “effortful coping behavior” (Bandura, 1977, p. 197) enhances an individual’s belief that success is also possible for them. This is also conceptually congruent with Dörnyei’s (2005) L2 Motivational Self System as showing learners successful and relatable NPRMs can help them to construct imagined future selves that are “elaborate, vivid and available” while also featuring “perceived plausibility,” i.e., regarded as being potentially achievable (Csizér, 2019, p. 75). Similarly, rather than foregrounding so-called “native speaker” models or exceptional cases of success based on circumstance, near-peer role modeling emphasizes “myth busting” (Muir, 2018), positive effort beliefs (Lou & Noels, 2019), and a growth mindset (Dweck, 2006) by recognizing the everyday struggles of proficient language learners and how they overcame them (Yashima, 2009). Finally, in a more practical sense, through sharing student comments via class newsletters, Dörnyei and Murphey (2003) demonstrate how NPRMs can represent valuable sources of language learning “strategies, beliefs and attitudes that can be easily modelled because of the similarities between the writers and the readers” (p. 132).

A number of studies have demonstrated the positive impact that exposure to NPRMs has had on learners attempting to make sense of rupture and change across educational environments. In the cases of study abroad (Kitano, 2020), transitioning into self-access language learning (Hooper, 2023a; Kanai & Imamura, 2018), and moving between secondary and tertiary education (Pizzolato, 2006; Tinto, 2020), research has identified NPRMs as representing social and symbolic resources that positively mediate transitional experience. One particularly illustrative example of this can be found in Hooper’s (2023b) ethnographic study of the LC, an out-of-class learning community created and managed wholly by students within a self-access learning center in a Japanese university. The LC was an interesting case of near-peer role modeling in that the community itself was student-created and represented a response to transitional rupture experienced by multiple generations of its membership. Many LC members struggled with adjusting to a self-access environment that differed dramatically from their secondary school education and experienced low self-efficacy and identity threat due to “native” norms that were implicitly reinforced within other communities they encountered. The LC was, in part, created to mediate these sources of rupture and the roles of its student leaders as NPRMs were central to this. Sara, one of the second-generation leaders, described how Kei, the LC’s founder, was a NPRM who had a pivotal impact in her educational trajectory.

(After meeting Kei) I thought, ‘Ah, this much, by one’s own efforts, you can build this much confidence, and I felt I could do it.’ Because of that, I gradually got more and more into [the community].” (Hooper, 2023b, p. 303)

Sara then went on to become an LC leader and sought to act as a social resource for the next generation of LC members struggling with the same sources of rupture that she had. Sara, in this sense, also may have embodied a symbolic resource as she represented a plausible example of a possible future self (Pizzolato, 2006) that new members could look up to and take strength from.

A further Japan-specific manifestation of NPRM-driven socialization within school-based communities of practice is the practice of jouge kankei (seniority-based hierarchical relationships within school club activities in junior high and high schools (van Ommen, 2015; Wang, 2020). Jouge kankei is grounded in intergenerational relationships between kōhai (juniors) and senpai (seniors) that arguably underpin interpersonal dynamics within much of Japanese work culture and, indeed, society in general (Haghirian, 2010). NPRM-centered socialization is key to the essence of senpai/ kōhai interactions within school clubs as it tends to be senior students, rather than a coach or teacher, that handle the majority of guidance and socializing practices for the junior members (Wang, 2020). Eventually, thanks to the continued guidance and scaffolding of their near-peers, kōhai are able to weather the initial storm of transitional rupture, eventually becoming senpai to a new generation of junior members and often inhabiting more senior, organizational roles within the group. Due to the ubiquitousness of school clubs in Japanese compulsory education as well as the broader prevalence and deep-seated nature of senpai–kōhai relationships within broader Japanese society, it could be claimed that NPRM-based educational initiatives may especially resonate with Japanese students as it taps into their habitus (Bourdieu,1977) —the internalizing of certain social structures (such as senpai/ kōhai) developed throughout our lives. The present study seeks to build on this existing research and examine the ways in which an NPRM-based pedagogical intervention may impact students transitioning between educational spheres of experience.

Methods

Participants

The participants in this study were 39 first-year students (across two classes) majoring in English Education at a small private university in the Kanto region of Japan. The students were taking a compulsory credit-bearing course that focused on developing discussion and presentation skills. The classes were conducted entirely in English and, for the majority of students, this was their first experience focusing solely on English communication and their first time in an English-only class.

Procedure

The first stage was to record two NPRM videos that would be used for the class intervention. Interview questions to be asked in the NPRM videos were partially based on items used in Murphey and Arao (2001) that focused on NPRMs sharing their reasons and motivations for English study and their attitude towards language learning mistakes or challenges. In addition, one of the original authors (Murphey) was consulted on the questions before they were finalized (Appendix A). Next, two students (Keito and Yukari) were contacted based on their communicative English ability and their similarity to the other participants in the study. Keito was a senior student and Yukari was a recent graduate from the same English program that the other participants had just entered. This echoed previous NPRM studies (Lingley, 2015; Murphey & Arao, 2001; Ruddick & Nadasdy, 2013; Walters, 2020; Wang, 2020) that had featured NPRMs who were older than target learners and who shared comparable educational experiences and backgrounds. Keito was a sophomore in the English Education department who was active in numerous student committees at the university. Yukari, on the other hand, was a recent graduate of the English Education department who had just started work as a licensed elementary school teacher. Upon receiving written informed consent for their interviews to be used for both pedagogical and research purposes, interviews with both NPRMs were then conducted in English and video recorded. Based on the interviews, worksheets were created to accompany the videos in the classroom intervention (Appendix B). These worksheets served to provide students with structured listening practice while also giving the researcher a means of recording their free response reactions to the NPRM videos. In the classroom intervention, the content and procedure of the study was initially explained to students bilingually by two teachers. In line with the university’s research ethics procedures, students subsequently read and completed a Japanese language consent form that gave permission for their worksheet responses to be used in this study. Students were then shown Keito’s (in May) and Yukari’s (in June) videos in class and worked in groups to answer listening comprehension questions on the video content. Then, at the end of each session students individually completed a final section of the worksheet in which they gave their reactions and thoughts about each video in Japanese. These qualitative responses were later translated by the researcher and a bilingual Japanese assistant. These English translations represent the primary data source for this study.

Data Analysis

Congruent with an interpretivist paradigm, in this study I utilized reflexive thematic analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2020) to inductively code the student responses to Keito and Yukari’s videos. Braun and Clarke have stated this is a “situated interpretive reflexive process” that “fully embrace[s] qualitative research values and the subjective skills the researcher brings to the process” and “that a research team is not required or even desirable for quality” (pp. 6-7). My development of codes and themes was consistent with Braun and Clarke’s original (2006) model of 1) familiarization with data; 2) generation of initial codes; 3) searching for themes; 4) reviewing themes; 5) defining themes; and 6) final analysis. For instance, I coded any occasion where students described the NPRMs as being impressive in terms of linguistic proficiency as NPRM as impressive (English) and any occasion that they expressed admiration for the NPRMs’ effort or persistence as NPRM as impressive (attitude). These codes were later combined under the theme NPRMs as impressive. In order to enhance the credibility of my findings, I engaged in discussion about my interpretations with other researchers familiar with near-peer role modeling who acted as a “reflective sounding board” (Shelton Strong, 2020, p. 972). Furthermore, in order to enhance this study’s transferability, direct data excerpts have been included throughout the findings. In addition, the below table contains examples of the most frequently assigned codes along with definitions and corresponding data excerpts.

Table 1. Frequently Assigned Codes, Definitions, and Example Data Excerpts

Code Name Definition Example Excerpt
NPRM as impressive (English) Expressing admiration for NPRMs’ English proficiency “One after another English words came up in his head, and using those words so smoothly was amazing I thought.”
NPRM as impressive (effort) Expressing admiration for NPRMs’ hard work, attitude, or persistence “For Yukari too, at first she felt nervous and anxious, but due to her steady hard work, she was able to overcome that. Through daily accumulation, she was able to become the positive person with amazing English that she is today.”
NPRM knowledge (resources) Referring to learning resources (material/digital/social) introduced by NPRMs “Through things like listening to English songs and reading the news in English, there are many things that I can try even now.”
NPRM knowledge (strategies) Referring to learning strategy (time management, emotional regulation, motivational, etc.) introduced by NPRMs “Just like Yukari said, instead of just setting a long-term goal, I want to set a short-term goal and improve my English little by little.”
Personal intentionality Expressing future intention to act based on NPRM video content “I felt that I want to try hard and study a lot from now on.”
Encouragement Reporting feeling encouragement based on NPRM video content “I am still worried about whether I can properly improve my English, but by seeing Keito’s experience and how he was able to improve his English by having contact with it every day and by having an interest in English sentences, I felt a little more at ease.”
Anxiety/negative affect Referring to own L2 anxiety or negative emotions related to language learning “I am not good at speaking or writing in English and I tend to feel negative, but I like English so I want to have confidence and try my best.”

Findings

Based on the thematic analysis outlined in the preceding section, I defined three central themes from the coded student reactions to Keito and Yukari’s NPRM videos. These themes concerned the type of NPRM impact or role as demonstrated in the student responses. Accordingly, the three themes that will be addressed in the following section will be; 1) NPRMs as impressive, 2) NPRMs as knowledge sources, and 3) NPRMs as relatable.

NPRMs as Impressive

One key theme that I identified from student responses was that of students expressing admiration towards the NPRMs based on two broad qualities; 1) their identity as proficient L2 users, and 2) their effort towards language learning. Regarding the former, numerous students (n = 19) positively commented on Keito and Yukari’s spoken English, particularly focusing on their fluency in responding to the interview questions.

I thought that [Keito] answering lots of questions without looking at anything was amazing. Even when he was thinking, he used linking words like “so” and “and” and he made sure that there was no silence.

She spoke each sentence so smoothly. I thought her vocabulary was amazing. I think that it will take me a long time until I am able to speak English without a script like Yukari.

These responses suggest that, from the perspective of the students, the recognized identity (how we are perceived by other people) (Benson et al., 2013) of the NPRMs was that of highly proficient English speakers. Furthermore, connected with NPRMs’ recognized identity of linguistic competence was the NPRMs’ English being viewed by some students as a viable and desirable alternative to the “native speaker” English that they had been exposed to through their course instructors. This was reflected in several students responding with statements such as “I want to be able to speak English fluently like Keito.” and “I want to be able to speak English like her.” One student directly addressed the difference between the “native” English he had come into contact with in class and Keito’s video, stating “[u]nexpectedly, his pronunciation was different from my teacher’s. So, I thought that in the future I would like my pronunciation to be similar to his.” These responses suggest that some students’ admiration towards the NPRMs was linked to them representing desirable future L2 selves.

The second area of student admiration that I noted from my analysis was based on the effort that Keito and Yukari were perceived to have made during their language learning histories. Many participants (n = 31) made reference to Keito and Yukari’s persistence as language learners in the face of challenges and their discipline relating to maintaining their study habits.

When watching [Keito’s] video, I felt his passion towards English and his stoicism. I also saw how he was working hard to make his future dreams come true. By seeing his single-minded attitude towards English, it made me feel I want to try my best to make my future dreams a reality.

When I saw Yukari’s interview, partly I felt she was amazing and partly I thought about how hard she worked. While she was a first-year student she went to the library and studied academic skills, so I felt she was a hard worker.

This focus on hard work at times appeared to have contributed to the fostering of a growth mindset in some participants as they implied that it was consistent hard work, rather than assumed natural talent, that led to language learning success.

[Yukari] continued to study English little by little every day. For an English learner, there is nothing more important than the ability to maintain effort and continue studying.

I realized once again that people who are good at English are always working hard and it made me feel like I want to try my best as well.

In sum, student responses suggested that the NPRMs engendered admiration in terms of either result, i.e., the level of English proficiency they had achieved, or process, i.e., the effort and persistence they had demonstrated in reaching that level. This, in turn, appeared, in some cases, to represent a source of self-efficacy for students as they were presented with potential blueprints for successful language learning based on elements that they could control, i.e., hard work and effort.

NPRMs as Knowledge Source

Students’ responses to Keito and Yukari’s videos also indicated that by listening to their language learning stories, they were able to receive knowledge and concrete suggestions that they could then apply to their future studies. I determined that there were primarily two ways in which this occurred; 1) introducing language learning resources, and 2) suggesting language learning strategies.

In the most concrete sense, through their interviews the NPRMs were able to share the physical, digital, or social resources that they had found to be most valuable in supporting their English development. For the most part, these were resources that they utilized in out-of-class learning such as Western music, English news websites, textbooks for shadowing practice, and the university’s self-access learning center. As these activities lay beyond the scope of classroom instruction, students (n = 32) appeared to be unfamiliar with these tools for self-directed study and expressed enthusiasm to utilize them in the future.

We got advice that reading aloud or shadowing from textbooks every day, listening to music you like (with subtitles), and making comments in English in class is the shortcut to improving English and is very important.

In order to improve your English, it’s important to connect with English every day. I thought that by reading English sentences, listening to Western music, going to the self-access learning center, by building up each day, you can become good at English.

As exemplified in the previous excerpt, students also identified the importance of consistent daily study for improvement, and this is related to the second salient area of NPRM knowledge frequently referenced in student responses: language learning strategies. Perhaps the most prevalent examples of guidance relating to language learning strategies that students took from the NPRM videos concerned time management and goal setting. Regarding the former, Keito discussed how he would endeavor to have some degree of contact with English everyday by using free windows of his time such as between classes, during lunchtime, or while commuting to engage in self-directed study. This was noted by several students (n = 14) as a habit that they wished to emulate, with comments such as, “I want to use my commuting time or free time to study English,” “In order to improve your English, it’s important to connect with English every day,” and “[M]aking contact with English for even a short time is important.”

In Yukari’s video, she focused a great deal on the importance of effective goal-setting (e.g., setting manageable short-term goals) in order to mitigate stress and sustain her language learning motivation. Numerous students (n = 18) discussed this strategy as something that they felt was potentially valuable and wanted to adopt a similar approach in their own language learning.

Writing book reports or a diary may be a little troublesome, but if you are looking at words for 5-10 minutes a day or watching an English video a little, I thought it was possible to continue this.

Setting a big goal is important, but I learned that by clearing small goals one by one we can reduce our stress. Also, I thought that gradual daily accumulation of study is necessary.

As observable in the above examples, through offering both the tools facilitating self-directed out-of-class study (language learning resources) and guidance as to how to effectively utilize those tools in a sustainable way (language learning strategies), the vast majority of student participants indicated that Keito and Yukari’s perspectives represented helpful sources of knowledge.

NPRMs as Relatable

The final major theme that I noticed within participants’ reactions to Keito and Yukari’s videos was how students could relate their own challenges, worries, or emotional labor to similar historical experiences that the NPRMs described within their interviews.

Some students (n = 9) referred to anxieties they had at that time and indicated that watching NPRMs going through similar struggles was a source of encouragement. One area where this was particularly noticeable was concerning Yukari discussing her previous issues with test anxiety. Some students reported having similar experiences and left comments such as, “Regarding tests, I learned that it was not only me who felt insecure or anxious.” and “Just like her, I felt depressed at times like before exams, so I felt I should consult with teachers and try my best.”

As discussed in the previous section, Yukari’s need for goal setting strategies also appeared to resonate with numerous students who were having trouble maintaining concentration in their out-of-class studies.

In my case, in my regular studies there are many times when I cannot maintain my concentration, so even if I try to study for 3 or 4 hours, in the end I can’t do it and there were many times I ended up giving up.

I understood that even someone like her who was an amazing user had worked so hard to get to that level. I learned that rather than suddenly setting a big goal and having a hard experience, setting a small goal that is possible to continue steadily working towards is better for us.

The latter excerpt above highlights how Yukari’s candid comments about her own past struggles as a language learner could serve to frame advice on learning strategies in a clearly relatable fashion rather than it coming from a comparatively distant figure such as a “native” English teacher.

Other honest reflections from Keito about motivational slumps that he experienced also appeared to resonate with other students and suggested to them potential ways of addressing those issues. One means of mitigating stress and resolving motivational issues discussed by both Keito and Yukari was one-on-one consultations with either teachers or senior students.

Sometimes [Keito] stumbled over difficult words or found classes boring, but by telling his worries to his seniors or professors, he could reduce his anxiety, enjoy his English studies, and work daily towards making his university life fulfilling.

I thought that it is important to go to the [self-access learning center] and ask teachers about things I don’t understand without feeling embarrassed.

Such participant responses indicated that hearing the NPRMs’ stories and listening to how they had experienced positive interactions with teaching staff may have caused some students to come to see teachers as accessible social resources that they could draw upon in future. Therefore, as indicated from student data, the NPRMs sharing the difficulties they endured as well as the resources they drew upon to negotiate those difficulties appeared to have served as encouragement for numerous students as they were adapting to their first year in university education.

Discussion

In this study, I examined the ways in which NPRMs, via a video-based pedagogical intervention, mediated first-year students’ transitions into university English education. In the preceding section, I illustrated how students viewed the NPRMs as impressive in terms of English proficiency and attitude, gained access to knowledge about learning resources and strategies, and regarded them as having relatable learning histories. In the following section, I will discuss these findings from the perspective of educational transitions and transitional resources.

Social Resources

As previously discussed in relation to Zittoun’s research on life transitions, social resources from a Vygotskian perspective represent interpersonal mediation (person to other). This mediation could be in the form of providing access to knowledge and resources, or it could be through socialization and emotional support. Based on these criteria, we can observe numerous instances from the data where the NPRMs appeared to be acting as social resources for the first-year students. Perhaps in the most direct sense, the NPRMs were sources of practical knowledge. By sharing with students the learning materials they found valuable and also the metacognitive strategies they adopted to make their studies more effective and sustainable, some students were given new avenues to explore within their own learning journeys. With the relatively high number of students (n = 32) stating that the concrete recommendations for out-of-class learning materials and strategies were useful, it appeared that numerous students were lacking awareness of learning options beyond a traditional classroom setting. This may have been due to the focus on eigo in much of secondary English education in Japan (Hiramoto, 2013) as classes are likely to be centered on test preparation rather than instruction in language learning skills or strategies. By drawing upon the NPRMs’ funds of knowledge (Moll et al., 1992), students were guided to expand their conception of language learning beyond the classroom and consider increasingly self-directed learning behaviors. This is likely to have resonated with students based on the majority of participants (n = 36) expressing the intention to act based on the NPRMs’ suggestions in the future. Although we are unable to confirm whether or not these stated intentions were actually translated into concrete action, students could clearly observe the results of the NPRMs’ materials and strategy use in the form of their observable English proficiency that was subsequently described by numerous participants (n = 19) as impressive or desirable.

Based on the student responses we can also identify ways in which NPRMs provided emotional support or opportunities for socialization in their university lives. Firstly, some students (n = 10) indicated that they were able to take comfort from the fact that the NPRMs spoke about the struggles that they had gone through as first-year students. In this sense the NPRMs acted as “myth-busters” (Muir, 2018, p. 11) by revealing their own fallibility and anxieties. This, in turn, helped the first-year students to realize that the rupture they may have been experiencing was by no means exclusive to them and that even these successful English learners had walked the same path. Consequently, the NPRMs’ stories emphasized the importance of “effortful coping behavior” (Bandura, 1977, p. 197) and a growth mindset in achieving “renewed regular functioning” (Zittoun, 2008, p. 165) and developmental change within a new educational setting. In addition to their own contribution as a social resource, both Keito and Yukari highlighted additional social resources such as senior students or teachers that they had utilized in order to help them navigate the rupture that they experienced as first-year students. This arguably served to expand the current first-years’ bank of potential social resources even further as the NPRMs were essentially endorsing teachers and peers as accessible confidants. In this way, Keito and Yukari’s advice was potentially contributing to the first-year students’ adjustment to university as it normalized feelings of rupture while also increasing the likelihood of socioacademic integrative moments (Deil-Amen, 2011).

Symbolic Resources

In addition to their role as social resources, Keito and Yukari could also be seen to represent symbolic resources for the first-year students in this study. Zittoun asserts that symbolic resources involve a “distancing beyond the here-and-now” for “sense- making and the construction of a time perspective and a system of orientation” (Zittoun, 2007, p. 7). Although Zittoun generally refers to cultural artifacts such as books, film, and music when discussing symbolic resources, I argue that with NPRMs, we encounter a blurring of the social and the symbolic. Of course, as students connecting via video with their younger peers, Keito and Yukari are fundamentally social entities. However, I posit that intrapersonally (person to sense-of-object for that person) what they and their stories represent involves a strong symbolism that helps students to construct a “time perspective” and “system of orientation” (Zittoun, 2007, p. 7). In the NPRM videos, students are witnessing potential future selves who are vivid and relatable as they have likely already experienced comparable emotional labor and ruptures. Watching NPRMs allows students in transition to see two points (past and present) in a developmental timeline, which they can then use to reorient their perspective and reframe challenges they may be experiencing in the present. By listening to Keito and Yukari’s stories about their struggles in their first year of university, the strategies they used to adapt to their new environment, and their present identities as proficient L2 users, students are encouraged to engage in sense-making based not purely on result, but on process. This can, in turn, allow students feeling overwhelmed with educational transition to understand where they currently are in that process and, from there, devise a plan of action for progression. This orientation is also further facilitated by more direct social support like the advice provided by Keito and Yukari on learning materials or strategies outlined in the previous section. In this way, NPRMs as a combination of social and symbolic resource, may represent a valuable pedagogical resource for mitigating the “alienation from the world” (p. 166) that can result from unscaffolded transitional rupture.

In addition to the time orientation that they can provide, NPRMs may also facilitate a repositioning in terms of identity. Zittoun (2008) claimed that a key element of transitions is a “transformation of identity” that is “mediated by others,” (p. 4). Based on the admiration expressed by numerous participants towards the NPRMs’ English proficiency (n = 19) and attitude towards learning (n = 31), it could be argued that Keito and Yukari contributed to an identity of competence among students. Through this intervention, students could observe peers similar to themselves who, through effort and persistence, reached a level of L2 proficiency that inspired admiration. This symbolized that 1) through effort and persistence, success is possible, and 2) people similar to oneself can be legitimate L2 role models. In this sense, NPRMs may foreground the notion that students are “works in progress” building legitimacy within a broader imagined community of Japanese English users, as opposed to an identity of deficit as “failed native speakers” (Cook, 1999, p. 195). Although certainly not a central finding from this study, I believe we can observe traces of such a transformation in some student responses. This is most apparent in the one student stating that although Keito’s pronunciation differed from his “native” teacher, “I thought that in the future I would like my pronunciation to be similar to his.” and another student claiming that she “want[ed] to be able to speak English like [Yukari].” Although these are relatively isolated examples, the fact that numerous students (n = 19) remarked on their admiration for the NPRMs’ English speaks to the potentially empowering impact that NPRM interventions might have on Japanese English learners’ self-concept.

Conclusions

The findings from this classroom research indicate that NPRMs served as social and symbolic transitional resources for first-year university English learners entering a new educational sphere of experience. NPRMs sharing relatable experiences in English acted as evidence to first-year students that it was possible for them to become successful L2 users in the future with effort and persistence. Furthermore, the NPRMs drew on their own lived experiences to offer students guidance on learning tools and strategies that could help them become more self-directed learners and navigate the ruptures characteristic of their new L2 learning environment. A big part of Keito and Yukari being regarded as NPRMs rather than simply “peers” appears to be connected, in part, to a mix of transparency and relatability. Although the learners in this study were, in many cases, impressed with Keito and Yukari’s spoken English proficiency, substantially more comments referred to their discipline and determination in the face of learning challenges they experienced. This is congruent with Bandura’s (1977) notion of vicarious experience being based on “effortful coping behavior” rather than “facile performances by adept models” (p. 197). Sharing NPRM videos with students focused not only on result (i.e., their L2 proficiency), but also on process (i.e., what it took to get there), emphasizing the importance of grit and peer support in overcoming emergent challenges. Finally, students could compare NPRMs’ learning journeys to their own and conceivably helped them to orient themselves and identify their current transitional status within a coherent developmental timeline.

Being classroom research of limited scope, there are numerous limitations that must be taken into account when interpreting the findings presented in this article. Firstly, the written participant responses were only collected at two points in the academic year and, in some cases, featured limited detail. Consequently, longitudinal data collection and more in-depth qualitative data sources such as interviews, focus groups, or learner diaries are recommended for future studies as they are likely to provide more valuable insights into the impact of NPRMs. An additional concern comes from a potential halo effect (Dörnyei & Taguchi, 2009) creating indirect pressure on students to tell me how valuable the classroom activity was. Furthermore, the fact that the participants were all majoring in English Education implies that this population is unlikely to be representative of university students as a whole. Therefore, additional research incorporating the perspectives of non-English majors on NPRM-based interventions would conceivably provide more widely-applicable implications to other educational settings such as junior high and high school classes. In addition, concerns relating to the broad applicability of purely qualitative research findings could be addressed by mixed-methods studies that offer more generalizable insights into the role of NPRMs in language learning while also ensuring the nuance and context vital to person-centered research (Benson, 2017) are not lost.

Notwithstanding its limitations, this study does suggest the value of NPRMs in the facilitation of socioacademic integrative moments for language learners not yet acclimatized to tertiary education. This study has highlighted how NPRMs can represent both social and symbolic resources that offer not only practical advice, but also act as vicarious models of success for students who may be struggling with unfamiliar educational environments. The utility of NPRMs in facilitating learner motivation has already been identified as an area warranting increased academic attention (McCarthy & Farr, 2022), but this study suggests that NPRM-focused pedagogy may also foster an enhanced sense of belonging and competence among learners, therefore contributing to positive self-concept (Rubio, 2014). Particularly within Japan, due to learners having to navigate the previously-discussed divergence between test-driven secondary education (eigo) and more communicatively-driven university classes (eikaiwa), the necessity for presenting relatable, communicative English users is all the more pressing. This also has implications for curriculum and materials development within Japanese higher education as course content and pedagogical approaches that foreground concrete examples of successful and relatable English users are likely to be valuable in fostering student self-efficacy. In addition, creating increased opportunities for socioacademic integrative moments between students of different grades through initiatives such as mixed classes (Hooper & Murphey, 2020) or self-access learning (Watkins, 2022) is likely to be beneficial for effective student socialization and well-being. Furthermore, additional classroom research based on NPRM interventions utilizing videos, class visits, peer consultation, and peer teaching via shared classes could also greatly contribute to our understanding of the potential pedagogical impact of NPRMs and how it could be effectively operationalized.

One potentially fruitful area of interest relating to the current study is the impact of transitional rupture on issues such as student self-concept, university dropout rates, and learner and teacher well-being. In modern societies that are increasingly precarious and fluid, examining the factors that might contribute to either non-developmental change (stagnation, withdrawal) or developmental change (evolution, diversification) stemming from transitions could help both researchers and teachers to better understand and positively respond to educational rupture. In the case of learner support, this could include research or pedagogy examining students’ learning histories (Dörnyei & Murphey, 2003) and how they impact students’ ability to negotiate rupture, focusing on how students’ basic psychological needs (Ryan & Deci, 2017) might be better satisfied during transitions, or adopting a learning community system, as seen in US-based higher education, as a means of mitigating transitional rupture (Tinto, 2020). In the case of teacher-based research, this could involve inquiry into the impact of increasing job market instability on teacher cognition, identity, and wellbeing or future studies investigating the transitional process that language teachers experience when adapting to a new workplace. Through such studies, it is possible that we could raise awareness of both the pitfalls and opportunities inherent in transition, the potential for providing transitional resources, and, consequently, increase the likelihood that we grow rather that wither in the face of change.

About the Author

Daniel Hooper is an associate professor in the Department of English Communication at Tokyo Kasei University, Japan. He has been teaching in Japan for 18 years in numerous contexts including primary/secondary schools, conversation schools, and universities. His research interests include communities of practice, self-access language learning, learner identity, narrative inquiry, and reflective practice. ORCID ID: 0000-0001-9431-3195

To Cite this Article

Hooper, D. (2025). Mediating educational transitions with near-peer role models in the language classroom. Teaching English as a Second Language Electronic Journal (TESL-EJ), 28(4). https://doi.org/10.55593/ej.28112a6

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Appendix A

NPRM Interview Questions

  1. Tell me a little about yourself.
  2. How do you use English in your daily life/ work?
  3. What do you do to improve your English?
  4. Do you think it is important for Japanese people to learn English?
  5. Who have been your role models for learning English?
  6. Have you experienced much stress when learning English? If yes, when/what situations? What do you do to manage the stress?
  7. What was being a first-year student like for you?
  8. What advice would you give to other English learners?

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Appendix B

NPRM Worksheet (Keito)

Interview with Keito

Please listen to the interview with Keito and focus on his answers. Try to take lots of notes when you are listening to the videos and then cooperate with your friends to answer the questions together!

How does Keito use English in his daily life?

What does Keito do to improve his English?

Why does Keito think learning English is important for Japanese people?

What is stressful for Keito when he is learning English? Also, how does he deal with stress?

How was Keito’s life as a freshman student?

What advice did Keito give you about learning English?

Please write your reaction to Keito and his interview (in Japanese). What did you feel or think when you watched his video?

（けいと）と彼のインタビューに対するあなたの反応を書いてください（日本語で）。彼のビデオを見て、何を感じ、何を考えましたか？
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